1. Evaluate the causes of the Allies’ victory over the Axis powers in World War II from 1939–1945. (MLA, 1.5 pages, No work cited)2. Contrast the main foreign policy challenges of the Kennedy administration (1961–1963) with those of the Johnson administration (1963–1969).(MLA, 1.5 pages, following the document that i upload, at least 2 sources )3. Evaluate the extent of change in ideas about American independence from 1763 to 1783. Thesis: Respond to the prompt with a historically defensible thesis or claim that establishes a line of reasoning.Contextualization: Describe a broader historical context relevant to the prompt.Evidence from the Documents: Support an argument in response to the prompt using at least six documents.Evidence beyond the Documents: Use at least one additional piece of specific historical evidence relevant to an argument about the prompt.Document Analysis: For at least three documents, explain how or why the document’s point of view, purpose, historical situation, and/or audience is relevant to an argument.Historical Reasoning: Demonstrate a complex understanding of the historical development that is the focus of the prompt, using evidence to corroborate, qualify, or modify an argument that addresses the question.(Question and information are on pages 8-11 of the link. https://apcentral.collegeboard.org/pdf/ap-us-history-frq-2017.pdf?course=ap-united-states-history) (MLA 1.5pages)
1. Evaluate the causes of the Allies’ victory over the Axis powers in World War II from 1939–1945. (MLA, 1.5 pages, No work cited)2. Contrast the main foreign policy challenges of the Kennedy admi
1. Directions: This question is based on the accompanying documents. The documents have been edited for the purposes of this exercise. In your response you should do the following: Thesis: Respond to the prompt with a historically defensible thesis or claim that establishes a line of reasoning. Contextualization: Describe a broader historical context relevant to the prompt. Evidence from the Documents: Support an argument in response to the prompt, using at least six documents. Evidence beyond the Documents: Use at least one additional piece of specific historical evidence relevant to an argument about the prompt. Document Analysis: For at least three documents, explain how or why the document’s point of view, purpose, historical situation, and/or audience is relevant to an argument. Historical Reasoning: Demonstrate a complex understanding of the historical development that is the focus of the prompt, using evidence to corroborate, qualify, or modify an argument that addresses the question. The Question 1. Contrast the main foreign policy challenges of the Kennedy administration (1961–1963) with those of the Johnson administration (1963–1969). Document 1 Source: John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Address, 1961, Our Documents. Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge—and more. To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do—for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom—and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside. Document 2 Source: John F. Kennedy, speech in Berlin, June 26, 1963, Miller Center. There are many people in the world who really don’t understand, or say they don’t, what is the great issue between the free world and the Communist world. Let them come to Berlin. There are some who say that communism is the wave of the future. Let them come to Berlin. And there are some who say in Europe and elsewhere we can work with the Communists. Let them come to Berlin. . . . All free men, wherever they may live, are citizens of Berlin, and, therefore, as a free man, I take pride in the words “Ich bin ein Berliner!” Document 3 Source: Cartoon by Herbert Block, published in the Washington Post, November 1962. By Herbert Block (PDM 1.0), U.S. public domain via Wikimedia Commons. Document 4 Source: Lyndon B. Johnson, Address at Johns Hopkins University: “Peace without Conquest,” April 7, 1965, The American Presidency Project. Why are these realities our concern? Why are we in South Viet-Nam? We are there because we have a promise to keep. Since 1954 every American President has offered support to the people of South Viet-Nam. We have helped to build, and we have helped to defend. Thus, over many years, we have made a national pledge to help South Viet-Nam defend its independence. And I intend to keep that promise. . . . We are also there because there are great stakes in the balance. Let no one think for a moment that retreat from Viet-Nam would bring an end to conflict. The battle would be renewed in one country and then another. The central lesson of our time is that the appetite of aggression is never satisfied. To withdraw from one battlefield means only to prepare for the next. . . . Our objective is the independence of South Viet-Nam, and its freedom from attack. We want nothing for ourselves—only that the people of South Viet-Nam be allowed to guide their own country in their own way. We will do everything necessary to reach that objective. And we will do only what is absolutely necessary. In recent months attacks on South Viet-Nam were stepped up. Thus, it became necessary for us to increase our response and to make attacks by air. This is not a change of purpose. It is a change in what we believe that purpose requires. . . . And we do this to convince the leaders of North Viet-Nam—and all who seek to share their conquest—of a very simple fact: We will not be defeated. We will not grow tired. We will not withdraw, either openly or under the cloak of a meaningless agreement. Document 5 Source: William Ehrhart, U.S. Marine, describing a “cordon-and-search” operation in Vietnam. In Cath Senker, The Vietnam War, 5. We would go through a village before dawn, rousting everybody out of bed, and kicking down doors and dragging them out if they didn’t move fast enough. They all had underground bunkers inside their huts to protect themselves against bombing and shelling. But to us the bunkers were Vietcong hiding places, and we’d blow them up with dynamite—and blow up the huts too. If we spotted extra rice lying around, we’d confiscate it to keep them from giving it to the Vietcong. Document 6 Source: U.S. Information Agency, “Youthful hard-core Viet Cong, heavily guarded, awaits interrogation following capture in the attacks on the capital city during the festive Tet holiday period, 1968.” U.S. Information Agency (PDM 1.0), U.S. public domain, National Archives and Records Administration. Document 7 Source: Photograph of an anti-war march in Chicago on August 10, 1968, as the city prepared to host the Democratic National Convention. By David Wilson (CC BY 2.0), accessed via Wikimedia Commons.
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